There were many twists and turns, but finally Poland's next president has been chosen – and Poles have made the right choice in electing Sejm Speaker Bronisław Komorowski.
Mr Komorowski's vision for Poland differed significantly from his opponent's – his was a forward-looking vision, a vision of a modern Poland which interacts with other countries on the global stage as a responsible member of the international community. He envisions a Poland where there is less state interference in peoples' lives and in business, and where entrepreneurship and foreign investment are encouraged and rewarded.
The majority of voters in this election weren't convinced by Mr Kaczyński's moderate rhetoric, or that he had really changed his backward-looking tune. Under his government in 2006-2007, Poland chose conflict over partnership with Germany, Russia and the EU. His government preferred hunting for suspected communist agents rather than for investors. Voters yesterday remained unconvinced that his outlook would be any different in his capacity as president. Such an outcome could have meant more hurdles in the way of much-needed reform.
Just the beginning
This newspaper disagrees with those who say Civic Platform's (PO) three years in power have so far been wasted – important budget cuts and belt tightening have been put in place, as have some streamlining of the judiciary and state institutions. Privatization continues apace, and Poland has gained new respect from its international partners.
But this is only the beginning for PO and Mr Komorowski. The changes made so far have been small-scale and incomplete. Much more needs to be done. Top of the list should be reform of Poland's creaking health care system – some public hospitals must be commercialized (or even privatized, though Mr Komorowski says he opposes this solution). Next up should be a further streamlining of the judicial system – conflicts still take far too long to resolve. More cuts must be made to Poland's bloated budget if the country is to maintain its finances at a sustainable level and enter the euro zone as soon as possible. The retirement age should rise – some special early retirement benefits have been cut, but these reforms are still a long way from solving the insolvency of Poland's social security system. Public media must also, finally, be reformed.
The list goes on. Now, voters have removed PO's well-worn excuse that an obstructionist president has blocked their reforms. It must now act. Elections are coming up next year, and it would be a shame if the opposition could continue to make the argument that the PO government has not accomplished anything significant – even with their man in the Presidential Palace.
The temptation to not rock the boat before these elections is great – but it would be a huge disappointment. Better to make the reforms Poland needs and have something to show the voters, than to hold back in the hopes of not angering a portion of the electorate.
There is much to be done. PO must now get to work.
For those of you who haven't seen it yet, here's WBJ's endorsement for this weekend's presidential election:
A critical decision lies before Poles this weekend. The choice they make during Sunday’s election – whether the final vote turns out to be this weekend or in a runoff two weeks later – will have profound, far-reaching repercussions for society, the economy, the business environment and the level of prosperity.
There are 10 presidential candidates vying for Poles’ votes, but only two have a chance of making it to a second round – Speaker of the Sejm and Acting President Bronisław Komorowski of Civic Platform (PO) and Jarosław Kaczyński, the leader of the Law and Justice (PiS) party.
If Poles want to improve upon the relative economic stability and prosperity they have enjoyed over the past two years – a period of strife between the government and president – then Mr Komorowski is the clear choice.
Candidate Komorowski – positives and negatives
Mr Komorowski is not without fault. During a recent trip to London he blundered by stating that Poland didn’t need investments in shale-gas extraction – investments that could potentially give a massive boost to the country’s energy security – and confused its environmental risks with those of open-pit coal mining.
He has demonstrated a sometimes tenuous grasp of economics, and recently said that Poland should not demand that the US lift its visa requirement for Poles. That’s not a position that is likely to endear him to voters.
While Mr Kaczyński’s campaign has been disciplined and visible, Mr Komorowski’s has stumbled at times. He has visibly struggled to campaign effectively while discharging the duties of both Sejm speaker and acting president, although the latter role offered easy press during the recent floods.
In the eyes of WBJ’s editorial board, these drawbacks illustrate that the newspaper was right to have endorsed his opponent in the Civic Platform primary – Radosław Sikorski, whose education and international experience trump those of Mr Komorowski. Such drawbacks do not, however, make the other candidates in the election more attractive.
Mr Komorowski has plenty of upside. His choice to lead Poland’s central bank, former Prime Minister Marek Belka, was superb. He assumed the office of acting president under difficult circumstances, but with poise. He has quietly signed important legislation and has worked well together with Prime Minister Tusk to handle difficult issues – not least of which has been the recent flooding.
If these past two and a half months are anything to judge by, Mr Komorowski should make a competent president.
Candidate Kaczyński – toned down, but unchanged
His main opponent, Mr Kaczyński, has smartly moved towards the center despite the emotionally charged political environment. He is roundly panned by much of the media, but his patriotism is unquestioned. Mr Kaczyński’s heartfelt desire to deal with historical wrongs and his passion for snuffing out corruption are admirable and desirable traits in a president. He is widely credited as the brains behind Law and Justice’s rise to power, a master of the political scene (although typically from behind the scenes) and a strong leader.
But Mr Kaczyński’s record tells a less flattering story. The 2005-2007 Law and Justice government, which he led and served as prime minister of for the majority of its rule, courted controversy with reckless abandon. Mr Kaczyński’s crusade to root out former communist collaborators turned into a witch hunt, and the country gained an international reputation for being stubborn, uncooperative and prickly.
When it came to business, the record was also negative. Personal income tax cuts passed at the end of its term were beneficial, as Law and Justice MP Paweł Poncyljusz points out in our interview this week (see p. 9). But the economic growth that Poland underwent during those years – which Mr Poncyljusz also points to as a positive – came about despite the PiS government, not because of it.
There was a worldwide economic boom at that time: how much stronger would Poland’s growth have been if PiS officials hadn’t been discouraging foreign investment (as when Finance Minister Teresa Lubińska said that investments from firms such as Tesco were not welcome), or impeding business processes (such as Pekao’s takeover of BPH, which was drawn out for months in order to find a solution that would keep state-owned PKO as Poland’s biggest lender)?
In opposition, the record is also ugly. Law and Justice has looked to impede the government at every turn – and has opposed pro-business and pro-reform legislation. Fair enough, that is an opposition party’s prerogative. But it would have done the country a much greater service by offering viable solutions in return.
Remove PO’s excuse
The current government is slow on the uptake and many of its goals are left unachieved or, indeed, forgotten. But it has delivered on its two most important promises: it has improved Poland’s international image and it has steadfastly promoted economic growth.
Until recently, though, it cited an obstructionist president as its primary excuse for not doing more. Now is the time to remove that excuse, forcing Civic Platform to make good on promises to implement economic reforms, slim the state and improve the business environment. Either the party delivers on these promises, laying the groundwork for future prosperity and gaining international clout in the process, or it does not, giving the electorate a great reason to vote it out of power.
For those with Poland’s economic future in mind, a Komorowski win is the best-case scenario. For better or worse, there is no alternative.
